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In comparing the Bavli to the Yerushalmi, scholars have frequently pointed out that the discussions in the Bavli are more long-winded and discursive, involving extensive explanation and abstract conceptualization, forced interpretations of early sources, and so on. The sugyot of the Yerushalmi by comparison are more focused, concrete, and succinct.

This comparison, while true insofar as the final texts of these two works are concerned, is nevertheless extremely misleading. As later critical scholarship has pointed out, the Bavli is composed of several distinct literary levels — 1 tannaitic; 2 amoraic; 3 stam ha-talmud — i.

Nearly all of the most prominent features which differentiate the Bavli from the Yerushalmi belong to the largely post-amoraic stam ha-talmud stratum of the Bavli. As scholars have pointed out, if one isolates the tannaitic and amoraic strata of the Bavli from the literary embellishments of the stam ha-talmud , the Bavli turns out to be remarkably similar to the Yerushalmi.

Since the Yerushalmi was redacted at least one hundred years before the Bavli, it preserves by and large a more original form of this shared talmudic tradition, closer in time and in form to the Talmud of the early and middle amoraim both Babylonian and Palestinian. The Bavli, on the other hand, represents a later version of this same shared talmudic tradition, one which has incorporated later mostly Babylonian amoraic traditions and interpretations, as well as additions, interpretations, and revisions of the stam ha-talmud — all of which stem from the period following the redaction of the Yerushalmi see Talmud, Babylonian, The Place of the Babylonian Talmud in Rabbinic Literature.

There are, nevertheless, a number of real differences between these two talmudim. First of all, the textual tradition of the Mishnah which is presupposed by the sugyot of the Bavli is often different from that presupposed by the Yerushalmi see: Mishnah: The Later Development of the Text of the Mishnah; and cf.

Epstein, Mishnah, 18—25, Second, the Aramaic language of the Yerushalmi differs from that of the Bavli. The language of the Bavli, which is familiar to most Talmud students, belongs to the eastern branch of Aramaic which includes Mandaic and Syriac. The language of the Yerushalmi, on the other hand, belongs to the western branch of Aramaic which includes Samaritan and Palestinian Christian Aramaic , and is unfamiliar to most students trained in the Bavli.

This dialect was thoroughly investigated by Dalman, whose work was criticized by Kutscher. However, given the fragmentary nature of Kutscher's own contributions in this field, it would seem that his criticism of Dalman was somewhat exaggerated Macuch, xxxvii. Stevenson's popular grammar of Palestinian Jewish Aramaic is largely based on Dalman's work, and though it too was dismissed by Kutscher, his judgment is relevant primarily for the professional linguistic scholar, and does not relate to the value of this small book for teachers and students.

In the field of lexicography, the situation has been vastly improved by the publication of M. Sokoloff 's Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic Third, the technical terminology of the Yerushalmi is very different from the far more familiar and well-documented terminology of the Bavli. Moscovitz has already made a significant contribution toward the clarification of the technical terminology of the Yerushalmi, and it is to be hoped that his continued efforts in this field will soon become available to a wider community of Talmud students.

For the relative originality and historical reliability of the Palestinian aggadic tradition as a whole, in comparison with the aggadah of the Bavli, see: Talmud, Babylonian — The Aggadah of the Babylonian Talmud. In the Yerushalmi there is a marked lack of demonology or angelology which looms so large in the Babylonian Talmud, although, contrary to the statement of Ginzburg, shedim "devils" are mentioned TJ , Shab.

There are many references to sorcery cf. TB , Shab. There is reference only to the two biblical angels Michael and Gabriel.

The difference extends to style, terminology, and even to the names of the amoraim who are mentioned there. The vast majority of amoraim quoted belong to the first and second generations; those of the next two generations are hardly mentioned at all; and many of those mentioned in this order are rarely mentioned in the other orders. Nezikin has a different terminology and includes old Hebrew words which do not occur elsewhere.

It is distinguished by its brevity and shows every sign of being in an unfinished state. Where discussions are found on an identical passage in this and the other orders, that in Nezikin often comes to an entirely different conclusion, or gives different answers to those given in the other discussion. Moreover, discussions left incomplete in this order are found completed in the others.

That the Talmud to Nezikin is fundamentally different from the rest is universally accepted. Originally explanations of this phenomenon focused on identifying a different location for the redaction of these three tractates. The first to suggest that it emanated from a different source was I. Although it was previously maintained that it was compiled in Tiberias and represents the teachings of the school there, the brilliant research of S. Lieberman argued vigorously against this conclusion.

In his opinion, the Jerusalem Talmud to Nezikin represents the school of Caesarea, where it was compiled about the middle of the fourth century C. Among the evidence put forward by Lieberman the following may be mentioned.

In the Jerusalem Talmud to tractate Shabbat which emanates from Tiberias , the "rabbis of Caesarea" are contrasted with "the local rabbis"; R. Nasa, who is elsewhere Est. The Jerusalem Talmud was completed at least a century before the compilation of the Babylonian Talmud — c. In the Roman commander Ursicinus wreaked vengeance on the Jews of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Lydda, the seats of the three academies, because of their revolts against the army.

The activities of the main school, that of Tiberias, came to an end with the extinction of the patriarchate in , as a result of the troubles and persecution which followed the Christian domination. Although study of the Torah did not cease entirely, conditions were not conducive to the flourishing of halakhot or the creation of halakhic works. Until the rise of Islam each Talmud was probably authoritative in its own sphere. With the spread of Islam and the establishment of the caliphate at Baghdad in the eighth century, however, the geonim of Babylon succeeded in establishing the authority of the Babylonian Talmud throughout Europe.

Hai Gaon d. Lyck, no. Ha-Eshkol , Hilkhot Sefer Torah, 60b. Nissim maintained that many passages in the Babylonian Talmud could be understood only when compared with the parallel passage in the sister Talmud. On the one hand, in his classic and decisive work Hilkhot ha-Rif he quotes the Jerusalem Talmud extensively, yet at the same time he states unequivocally Er.

Were they not convinced that one need not rely upon that statement of the Jerusalem Talmud they would not have permitted it. It was, however, better known among some of the tosafists. For example, Solomon ibn Adret and Simeon b.

Yakar, who lived in France around , wrote a commentary on it. The editio princeps of the Jerusalem Talmud is the Venice edition printed by Daniel Bomberg —24 , published after the completion of the printing of the Babylonian Talmud and before he undertook the printing of the Yad of Maimonides which was completed the following year.

This edition is based upon the sole extant manuscript of the Jerusalem Talmud, the Leiden manuscript, which was written by Jehiel b. Jekuthiel b. Benjamin ha-Rofe in The scribe explicitly states that he copied it from a woefully corrupt text, full of errors; although he had attempted to correct it as much as possible, "I know that I have not corrected even half of the mistakes," and he begs the indulgence of his readers.

In addition to those mistakes, it is evident from statements and quotations of the rishonim that the scribes in many cases freely changed the orthography characteristic of the original text to make it accord with the accepted spelling and terminology of the Babylonian Talmud.

This manuscript was the basis of the printed text, but its editor, Jacob b. All of these have been completely lost, with the exception of the Yerushalmi to tractate Horayot , which was printed by Bomberg in his edition of the Babylonian Talmud and which, according to Lieberman, is the text of one of those three manuscripts.

Jacob b. It is clear that he did not examine the text before him with sufficient care, or correct it when necessary. Nor did he hesitate to omit passages which he did not understand or add sentences which are not found in the Leiden manuscript though possibly their source is the other manuscripts mentioned; see J.

Epstein, in: Tarbiz see bibl. Melamed , and his Amora'im , pp. An examination of the Leiden manuscript reveals glosses by the scribe and by the editor — both of which have been included in the printed text — and glosses from a third hand which did not find their way into it. When added that printing errors are not lacking, it will be realized that the existing text is hopelessly corrupt.

The task of establishing a correct text is almost an impossible one. Two sources are available. One can be obtained through a collation of all texts in the works of the rishonim , as was done by B. These were collected by S. Schechter who gave them to L.

In addition, J. Epstein and especially S. Lieberman have done valuable work in the reconstruction of the original text of part of the Talmud. In addition to the Leiden manuscript and the Genizah fragments there exists a manuscript in the Vatican of Zera'im except Bikkurim and tractate Sotah , in all comprising about one-quarter of the Leiden manuscript.

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